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Opposition Unity And V.P. Singh, By Inder Jit, 18 January 2024 Print E-mail

REWIND

New Delhi, 18 January 2024

Opposition Unity And V.P. Singh

By Inder Jit

(Released on 11 October 1988)

All those interested in seeing a strong Opposition emerge as a credible alternative to the Congress-I at the national level will need to keep their fingers crossed. The Janata, Lok Dal-B, Congress-S and Jan Morcha are due to meet at a foundation conference at Bangalore today to launch their unified party to be called Samajwadi or Rashtriya Janata Dal. High drama preceded this meeting during the past fortnight and more. On occasions, the unified party appeared to be coming through. On others, its formation looked like going up in smoke. It was touch and go on Monday last week when the Steering Committee failed to meet. Hopes revived when the Committee met a day later on Tuesday. But a question mark again went up over its future by Friday night. Fortunately, Mr. V.P. Singh, backed by Mr. R.K. Hegde, Mr. Biju Patnaik and many others, persevered in their decision to hold the party’s foundation conference on October 11, birth anniversary of Jayaprakash Narayan. Nevertheless, one question remains. Will the leaders merely pay lip service to the Lok Nayak or will they truly emulate JP and put the country before self?

The problem is the unified party’s leadership has been resolved in favour of Mr. V.P. Singh, notwithstanding some unnecessary and graceless remarks reportedly made by Mr. Chandra Shekhar. Mr. Singh is undoubtedly the Opposition’s best bet today for the next general election. He is widely viewed as a fine person and a man of character and probity, unaffected by sharp Congress-I attacks on him and his policies. But he has still to show that he has vision and qualities of leadership required for guiding our huge country of over 800 million people and for providing a good government. (Remember, self-government is no substitute for good government!) Candidly, his popular image today no longer shines as brightly as it did when he founded the Jan Morcha or impressively triumphed over the Congress-I in the Allahabad by-election to the Lok Sabha in mid-June. Even his friends and known supporters are concerned, if not worried. Willy nilly, he seems at the moment to have needlessly reduced himself to the level of the other Opposition leaders, most of whom have little charisma and even less credibility.

Many Opposition leaders feel that “VP” has not shown the decisiveness and boldness expected of him as the new leader in the past few weeks. Mr. Singh, they argue, was given full authority by the Janata, Lok Dal-B, Congress-S and Jan Morcha to go ahead and form the unified party --- the SJD and a Steering Committee. But the exercise has left much to be desired and, in the bargain, not only raised doubts over the unity moves but even given a convenient handle to persons who have been basking in his reflected glory during the past year to attack him publicly. One can understand Mr. Singh’s desire to carry the leaders of all the four parties with him in the footsteps of JP. I recall his telling me some time back that the real art of politics lies in the management of disharmony and not just of harmony. However, the outcome so far has been far from flattering. The Steering Committee and its composition has not inspired much confidence, apart from the fact that it has attracted avoidable flak and created an impression of superficial ad hocism and absence of a national perspective. Surprisingly, Mr. Singh failed to consult all those concerned.

The Steering Committee, intended to be the nucleus of the new party, is dominated by persons from UP and the rest of the Hindi States. True, the Hindi heartland is crucial for winning the next poll battle. Nevertheless, the Committee needed to be more representative of various regions and special interests such as the minorities, women and youth. Surprisingly, the South is represented only by Mr. Hegde and Mr. K.P. Unnikrishnan, who hails from Kerala. Maharashtra, Punjab and West Bengal, too, are unrepresented. (Prof. Madhu Dandavate has been included only as a special invitee) Equally surprisingly, women are conspicuous by their absence. Several names come to mind easily, especially those of Mr. Mrinal Gore and Mrs. Premila Dandavate. The Committee’s strength could have been increased to at least 2 and even to 31 and not limited to 17, a figure which had no special sanctity. Advantage should have been taken of the experience and approach of the pre-independence Congress. Its Working Committee normally comprised 21 members plus some special invitees, if necessary.

The Opposition leaders have none but themselves to blame if their image has slumped and fresh doubts have arisen about their ability to provide credible alternative to the Congress-I. Far too many among them have been speaking out of turn --- often at cross purposes. Far too many meetings have been handled tactlessly, leading to avoidable heart-burning. A case in point is the meeting of the Steering Committee, which failed to be held on October 3. It should have been convened only after differences had been ironed out and ground work completed. Failure to hold the meeting only tarnished the image of the Opposition at a time when it desperately needs to win friends and influence people. Mr. Singh should have striven to ensure that there was no confusion over the Jan Morcha’s stand in regard to the basic issue of unity, leading to messy situation in which Mr. Ram Dhan felt emboldened to publicly attack Mr. Singh as well as the entire leadership of the Janata, Lok Dal-B and Congress-S and denounce it in astonishingly strong terms.

Not a little of the blame must go to Chandra Shekhar. Undoubtedly, Mr. Chandra Shekhar is a man of ideals and has not few other admirable qualities which made JP choose him as the youthful President of the Janata Party in 1977. Sadly, however, he has allowed his unrequited ambition to run away with his better sense and the ideal of selflessness advocated by his mentor --- JP. Instead of helping the Opposition parties to come together in response to popular demand, he has been dragging his feet and seems to have left no stratagem untried to block unity and “VP”. Mercifully, he did turn up at the Steering Committee meeting on Wednesday last even if he was late by an hour. He also greed to the persuasion of Mr. Singh and Mr. Hegde to head the Sub-Committee set up to draw up the SJD’s policies and programmes. But his attitude at the meeting and subsequently has left on observers the clear impression that he has been out to “delay if not sabotage” the birth of the unified party at its foundation conference on October 11. At one stage, he even wanted it called only the “sponsoring conference.”

Mr. Chandra Shekhar was theoretically correct when he said some weeks back that the Opposition should seek to provide an alternative to the Congress-I and Mr. Rajiv Gandhi and not merely substitute. He, therefore, insisted that the proposed unified party and its policies and programmes were more important than Mr. Singh as the new leader. But this stand ignored certain practical realities in a country like India which continues to be soaked in feudal ethos. What ultimately counts here is the individual who leads a party and not the party and its policies and programmes. Nothing illustrates this more than the great success which the Congress achieved under the charismatic leadership first of Mahatma Gandhi, and thereafter under Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Mr. Rajiv Gandhi. The Janata Paty, too, won its great victory in 1977 because of JP and his leadership. Equally illustrative is the dismal failure of the CPI and CPM to make any great impact. The CPM has, no doubt, continued to achieve remarkable success in West Bengal. But the credit for this goes mainly to the personal popularity of its top leader, Mr. Jyoti Basu.

In retrospect, many wish that Mr. Singh had heeded the advice of some of his trusted friends and founded a new party, instead of taking on the sticky job of unifying the Opposition. He could have transformed the Jan Morcha from what Mr. V.C. Shukla smartly described as “a transit lounge” to a full-fledged party with a constitution and a policy. He could then have invited individual members of the Opposition as also intellectuals, academicians and professionals to join the new party. Alternatively, he could have invited the Opposition parties to merge with the Jan Morcha. In other words, he could (and should) have called the shots. There is little doubt that most of the rank and file of these parties would have gladly jumped on to his bandwagon, leaving their leaders high and dry. Mr. Singh could have thereby saved himself the trouble of having to knock time and again on the doors of Mr. Chandra Shekhar, Mr. Bahuguna and some others. In essence, he would have taken over the Opposition armies and forced their Generals either to surrender or take retirement.

Popular opinion increasingly favours a strong Opposition. Even those who continue to stand for Mr. Rajiv Gandhi feel that such an Opposition would be in the best interest of the ruling Congress-I and the country. Much ultimately will depend upon the quality of leadership Mr. Singh is able to provide and the success with which he and his supporters can neutralize the mischief of those who are unreconciled to his leadership and are certain to prevent him from functioning effectively. Bangalore could help resurrect JP‘s dream provided the Lok Nayak’s not remembered only ritually. He needs to be followed in practice and in action, in sharp and distressing contrast to the happenings after the Janata Government came to power in 1977. As we all know, JP died a sad and disillusioned person. Mr. Chandra Shekhar, Mr. Bahuguna and several others owe it to the Lok Nayak to give the country a credible alternative to the Congress-I, having failed to prevent the collapse of the Janata Government in 1979. It is time for them and other veterans to see the writing on the wall and, like Mr. Devi Lal, make way for the younger leaders --- and the new heroes. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Ram Temple Consecration: FAREWELL TO SECULARISM?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 17 January 2024 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 17 January 2024

Ram Temple Consecration

FAREWELL TO SECULARISM?

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The consecration of the Ram temple on January 22 may well have the country anoint a Hindu religious city in Ayodhya like the Vatican City of the Christians or Mecca of the Muslims, though it has always boasted of being secular. The Father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi, or even his direct followers and philosophers could have never imagined that secularism would yield place to majoritarianism-- the transformation that has taken place in the last decade raising a lot of heat and dust. 

Apart from the allegation that the consecration of the temple has been timed just before the Lok Sabha elections, what is more surprising is the Prime Minister’s claim that God had chosen him as “an instrument to represent all Indians during the consecration”. This, in response to questions being raised over his pre-eminence at the event. Modi said he had begun his 11-day special observance as prescribed in the scriptures to “awaken divine consciousness” within himself in the lead-up to the consecration. However, he did not specify what he meant by special observance.  

Though the secular spirit is now being slowly vanishing from society, Mahatma Gandhi himself never went to a Hindu temple. Only once he visited the Meenakshi temple in Madurai in 1946 after the shrine was opened to Dalits to enter the premises. Though Gandhiji described himself as a Hindu, his writings bear testimony to his profound religious feelings, his understanding of Hinduism which was completely different from what we see today and his chosen mode of worship was inter-faith meetings, held in open grounds where Hindus, Muslims, Parsis, Sikhs, Jains and Christians would pray together from verses of all scriptures. The Mahatma tried to show that India belonged to all faiths equally and propagated the essence of different religious faiths and doctrines.  

The Mahatma believed in the plurality of religions and abhorred any concept of the superiority of some races or religions. Stressing the need for equal respect for all religions, Gandhiji observed: “While I believe myself to be a Hindu, I know that I do not worship God in the same manner as any one or all of them”. This perception of the Mahatma cannot be said to be the majority view in the society today. The ruling dispensation has made us believe that we should be proud of our religion and in the process, denigrate other religions and the sentiments of those who do not subscribe to the Hindu line of thinking.  

It would be pertinent here to mention that just a few days back, over 3000 Christians from across the country registered a protest against community leaders’ culpable silence on minority rights and other grim realities while participating in the Prime Minister’s Christmas celebrations. In an open letter released recently, it stated: “The hard truth is that the Prime Minister and his government have consistently disregarded their constitutional mandate, be it to the minorities, the Adivasis, the Dalits, the backward castes, the farmers, labourers, migrants etc. hence their gratitude to the Prime Minister was not in our name”. 

The letter further emphasised that since 2014; in particular, Christians in India have been victims of continued attacks and vilification from members of the ruling establishment across the country. It was indeed distressing to note that the letter even referred to Christians and Christian schools which “have been hounded and harassed, their places of worship destroyed, they have been denied their ordinary rights as citizens and been subjected to denigration and demonisation.” 

If this happens to be the attitude of the Christian community, one can easily presume how the Muslims have been treated or, to use the right phrase humiliated, and what they think of the present government and its attitude towards the minorities. Obviously, the present genre of Muslims cannot be blamed for what their forefathers have done, and they have a right to life, being citizens of this democratic country. 

This brings us to the moot question i.e., while Ram is being worshipped and a grand temple being built in his honour, can the country claim to have introduced ‘ram rajya’ in India. The answer obviously is a big no. The ruling dispensation has been rather poor in matters of governance and the entire development process has largely ignored the lower echelons of society. The bottom tiers of society have been greatly affected as the disparity in society has widened. Not just income disparity between the rich and the poor but also between the urban and the rural class, between the formal and the informal sectors, between industrial workers and farmers etc. In the context of such development, all talks of India emerging the third largest economy by virtue of increased wealth of business tycoons such as Ambanis, Adanis and the Tatas appear meaningless. 

Truth, justice, equality are steadily vanishing from today’s society where violence, jealousy and hatred is manifest. Thus, while eulogising Ram without following the principles that he stood for and the way he ruled his kingdom smacks of nothing but hypocrisy. Moreover, unlike Swami Vivekananda, Lord Ram is just a mythological figure as the Anthropological Survey of India (ASI) did not find any scientific evidence of Ayodhya being his birthplace.  

Moreover, religion has always been regarded as a private affair, but the ruling dispensation has made it a political issue, obviously to reap benefits from the coming Lok Sabha elections due shortly. While the Congress has decided to boycott the inauguration on these grounds, the three Shankaracharyas have also decided to skip the event for being held against what they consider scripture-mandated norms. 

It may be mentioned here that Jawaharlal Nehru had adopted a stance, underlining the need for the State to keep its distance from religion. However, the current Prime Minister has projected himself as the sole guarantor of Hindu religion and his party, along with the RSS, to propagate and spread Hinduism in the world, though of a distorted version, much different from Vivekananda’s approach of unity of all religion. 

A section of political analysts and sociologists are quite surprised at the trajectory of the country’s political development to being a Hindu state. All the fanfare about the Ram temple is just to ensure that the BJP is assured of a landslide victory in the elections. And this is destined to happen as education and awareness has yet to trickle down to the masses in the backward areas of the country. They leave their destiny to the almighty.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Speaker Speaks But…: DEPOLITICISE OFFICE, By Poonam I Kaushish, 16 January 2024 Print E-mail

Political Diary

New Delhi, 16 January 2024

Speaker Speaks But…

DEPOLITICISE OFFICE

By Poonam I Kaushish 

Fatigued and bored of next week’s consecration of Lord Ram at Ayodhya ? Flip attention to the west coast where a first rate emotion-filled politico-drama is being enacted. Over Maharashtra Assembly Speaker Narwekar taking over 18 months to rule the legislative wing of Shiv Sena led by Chief Minister Shinde with 40 MLAs was the Party and not Thackeray’s faction, but refused to disqualify his 16 legislators. 

But post decision, given the high stakes, this order has wider implications as both derive legitimacy from their association with late Babasaheb Thackeray and the Party unit. Undeniably, the Speaker’s ruling has lobbed the ball back to the Supreme Court as it is on slippery grounds when tested against the anti-defection law which is built around a Party, not the legislative unit. 

Narwekar maintained he could not ascertain which faction is the “real” Party since the Sena Constitution and leadership structure of 1993 did not provide conclusive answers and discounted Thackeray’s plea that Sena’s amended 2018 Constitution made him Party Chief. He also ignored Supreme Court’s ruling May which held the legislative unit has no existence independent of the Party as it fields candidates who contest on Party symbol. Perhaps he based it on Election Commission’s ruling which granted Shinde the Party symbol.  

This mess started in June 2022 when Shinde split with 40 MLAs dethroned the Thackeray-NCP-Congress led MVA and formed a Government with Fadnavis’s BJP. Thackeray, initiated disqualification proceedings and MVA appointed Dy Speaker obliged. Shinde challenged this in Supreme Court which stayed rebels disqualification till it heard the case in totality. It allowed Election Commission to decide which faction would lay claim to original Party. 

It is all very well for Shinde to claim Balasaheb’s legacy but it remains to be seen if he can win over cadres since the Sena’s inheritance is the late founder’s memory and the Party has been his extension. Can the new leadership set aside Balasaheb family’s pitch for his legacy?

At one level the battle should serve as a warning for individual/family-centric Parties to set their house in order and streamline functioning including holding organizational elections. At another, defection has become a part of politics. However, fractured verdicts do not give licence for a free-for-all politics of gaddi and gaddari which has become chalti ka nam gaddi, with no stops in sight!

The issue is not whether Thackeray’s Sena moves Supreme Court on Narwekar’s decision as the ruling has politics written all over it, neither that Parties have used Speaker’s post as lollipop to reward and oblige a Party worker. Or, whether a political appointee should continue to be arbitrator in matters pertaining to legislators’ defection? And that it has sounded another death knell of a Constitutional institution. But why Speaker is so important in the Constitutional scheme of things?

 

If a Party splits the Speaker decides whether it is a “split” or defection case. His ruling is binding. By this one act he can “destroy” a Party and facilitate another’s rule. Recall, Chandra Shekhar’s famous split which led to VP Singh’s Government fall.  Worse, its par for the course when MPs-MLAs-Speaker roles are inter-changed at a drop of a hat. Whereby, ruling Party Ministers, MPs and MLAs accept Speakership only to exploit the office for richer political dividends. Whereby, it is increasingly difficult to keep track of Minister’s becoming Speaker’s and vice versa. 

From second Speaker Ayyangar who became Bihar Governor on his term’s expiry to GS Dhillon and Manohar Joshi who switched roles from Ministers to Speakers, Balram Jhakar never concealed his identity as Congressman, Rabi Ray lived up to his Janata Party’s expectation and Shivraj Patil who post Speakership, lost the re-election, but was nominated by Congress to Rajya Sabha and anointed Home Minister. In UPA I Congress MP and Minister Meira Kumar became Lok Sabha Speaker in UPA II. Today eyebrows are not even raised.

All, conveniently forgetting the Speaker represents the House, its dignity, freedom and liberty. According to Erskine May, “The House has no Constitutional existence without him.” He has to ensure Opposition has its say even as Government has its way. His rulings and decisions can make or break the ruling Party. His casting vote can swing the balance either way. Expected to be above Party politics and not the ruling Party’s puppet.

Besides, his powers to use, misuse or abuse Anti-Defection Act which bestows the power of deciding whether a representative has become subject to disqualification, post their defection on the Speaker offering ample scope to him to exercise discretion and play political favourites, ignoring the letter and spirit of the Act.

The entirety of a Speaker’s decisions can also be an inducement for abuse. During Parliament’s winter session over 146 MPs were suspended while protesting or during the. monsoon session 2022 when 27 MPs were suspended. Ditto in 2016 when almost all DMK MLAs were evicted en masse from Tamil Nadu Assembly or the violence in erstwhile J&K Assembly resulting in PDP leaders hurling abuses and pedestal fan at the Speaker, raise crucial questions about our democracy’s health.

 

Such suspensions are increasingly becoming common across Parliament and State Assemblies, with a partisan Speaker in the vanguard of eroding India’s democratic character. Bringing things to such a pass whereby a Speaker seems to have acquired a “larger than life image and role” and has become the primus entre peri. 

A kind of a demi-God who can do no wrong and whose actions are unquestionable. Forgotten in the quintessential position, is the Speaker who is essentially servant of the House has fast become its master, thanks to rules of procedure. Highlighting, falling standards in conducting legislative business in Parliament and Assemblies  and the need to clearly define these.

Undoubtedly, the Speaker’s position is paradoxical. He contests election for Parliament or State Assembly and then for the post on a Party ticket, and yet is expected to conduct himself in a non-partisan manner, all the while being beholden to the Party for a ticket for the next election.

 

Confided a former Lok Sabha Speaker: “We are elected on Party tickets with Party funds. How can we claim independence? Moreover, even if we resign on becoming Speaker, we would still have to go back to the Party for sponsorship for next election.” 

Where does one go from here? Time to look afresh at the Speaker’s powers, depoliticize his office and promote neutrality. Under Westminster model, Speaker resigns from his Party on his election and is re-elected unopposed in subsequent elections in the House of Commons. Lok Sabha and Assembly Speaker’s impartiality is more important as he has more absolute powers than his House of Commons’s counterpart.

Succinctly, the Speaker is of the House, by the House and for the House. He has to place himself in a judge’s position, not become partisan so as to avoid unconscious bias for or against a particular view thus inspiring confidence in all sections of the House about his integrity and impartiality.

Late CPM MP Somnath Chatterrjee is a beacon. He refused to resign as Lok Sabha Speaker after Left withdrew support to UPA I Government over the Indo-US nuclear deal in July 2008. Saying Speaker’s office was a high Constitutional post and above politics. Like him we need to adopt the maxim: “Once a Speaker, always a Speaker.” What gives?----- INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Budget & The Voter: HOPES FROM ‘BARE-BONE AFFAIR’, By Shivaji Sarkar, 15 January 2024 Print E-mail

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 15 January 2024

Budget &The Voter

HOPES FROM ‘BARE-BONE AFFAIR’

By Shivaji Sarkar 

The Union Budget 2024 may not be a glittering box butcould reveal a lot on the Hindutva economy driving the country on to the fast track. It may not be populist but may have lot for the electorate of ‘New India.’ 

Over the decades a norm has evolved of presenting an interim budget lest the incumbent government could take an advantage in elections. Being the election year, it does not prevent the new budget from coming out with certain surprises as the Constitution does not have any provision for an interim statement of accounts. It will be in that sense a normal budget and the government is within its right to include any proposal. 

It may spring surprises and consolidate the Hindutva importance on swadeshi-led overall growth creating bonanza for investments. All sectors of industry and finances may have a platter and it may go far beyond hackneyed tax reforms.There is elation in official circles about the GDP numbers that is hoped to touch 7.3 percent and a four trillion level. The questions on calculating methodology,however, are disposed as theoretical. 

Some sections of the media announced the income tax limit would be raised to Rs 7.5 lakh to lure the voters, but it wasdenied later. People, however, forget that with the last raise in the limit, the effective exemption is around Rs 7 lakh. So, it does not require an announcement.Finance Ministry officials indicate that the interim budget may have a waiver of tax collected at source (TCS) on individual overseas credit and debit card expenditures up to Rs 7 lakh a year. This is in the realm of speculation and helps only the most affluent.  

There are hopes that in view of the impending elections and unpopularity of the vehicle scrapping policy, government might extend the lives of the vehicles, particularly cars and tractors, as these hit largely the lower strata, or upcoming middle class and farmers the most. This apart it is being said that such vehicles have the lowest emission level of around 1 percent and are no way the polluters. 

The western Uttar Pradesh farmers, strong supporters of BJP, are up in arms to protect their diesel tractors. It is hurting the country’s economy. Most in the government and even in the organisations related to the NDA want that such moves which lead to unpopularity must be rectified. They believe that it gives the Opposition an edge on populist issues such as vehicle scrapping, apparently a move by the automobile makers’ lobby to boost their profits. Besides, farmers are sensitive to many new developments. Their Kisan Samman Nidhi or farmers’ pension of Rs 6000 a year may see an increase to Rs 8000. The allocation of Rs 60000 crore a year might go up in the range of Rs 70000 crore. 

While putting curbs on diesel in the country, exports of diesel by private refineries, including the Russian refinery in India, Nayara, have increased manifold to Europe and the US as their profits swell. Transporters and others want restrictions removed on domestic use of diesel and diesel vehicles. They have also repeatedly said that car scrapping is unique to poor India. Nowhere in the world, even in affluent US or Europe, vehicles are scrapped, and these are allowed to ply for 40 years as scrapping hurts generation of wealth. It may be a good move and help poll more votes, but whether it’s going to happen now is anybody’s guess. 

Concerns have been expressed over the high petrol road cess and tormenting road toll collections. The NHAI needs about Rs 1.25 lakh crore a year, but the total collections are several times more in the range of Rs 7 to 10 lakh crore a year. This is stated to hurt businesses. Transporters want it replaced by an annual contribution on each truck and allowing free movement of non-commercial vehicles. Lower rates and no toll gate are also stated to check inflation and boost domestic tourism industry. These potent issues could have positive impact in the elections. 

Some of the key political concerns are the poor, women, youth, farmers, and tribals, as the BJP-NDA aims a third term in office over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s stress on ‘inclusive growth’. The Union Budget 2023 too had stressed on these sectors. It is believed to have paid dividends politically in the recent elections to five States--Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Telangana and Mizoram. 

There is speculation that schemes meant for these sections of society might get more emphasis. Education and skill development might get attention to address the aspirations of the youth. The youth at age 18, comprising the first-time voters, are considered an asset for the Sangh Parivar. Similarly, many more welfare schemes for women are likely to be formulated. 

Recall, the Congress too had eyed these issues, particularly aimed at the women in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan along with lowering LPG cylinder prices. It would be interesting to watch how Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman tailors her budget speech on February 1 on this focal point. Political concern for women is also because it’snow believed that they direct the polling trend significantly. Earlier, this was the male preserve in rural India. Now vocal women are said to challenge the male domination and often youth and rural farm workers are getting swayed by their opinion. 

Additionally, tribals and other backward classes have stood largely with the ruling combine. It might not be a surprise to see special programmes being announced for them. Prime Minister Modi while flagging off the Vikasit Bharat SankalpYatra at Khunti in Jharkhand had specifically mentioned that some sections which were not beneficiary of many schemes would now be on government’s agenda. They may get a substantial share of allocations and it could be the same for the hills and the North-East.Ekalavya Model schools too may get further attention to connect with the people in remote areas. 

Sitharaman herself has downplayed expectations stating that it would be a “bare-bone affair”. This means the major concern is to have the appropriation bill passed to keep the wheels moving till June. Practically it may focus on fiscal discipline, check on expense limits, no major tax reforms though populist policy shift and future path reset is possible. It could do certain course corrections to address the growing debt for an economy touching four-trillion mark. Many hopes even from bare bones!---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

National Rail Plan: WIDER EXPANSION CRUCIAL, By Dr. Oishee Mukherjee, 13 January 2024 Print E-mail

Events & Issues

New Delhi, 13 January 2024

National Rail Plan

WIDER EXPANSION CRUCIAL

By Dr. Oishee Mukherjee 

Amid the decade when there is a cry the world over to lower emissions, it is but necessary that more attention to be given to railways. Its recent plans have evoked much interest. As there is a crisis in getting a confirmed ticket in the place and class of one’s choice, there is an imperative need for wider expansion of the railway network in India. 

It was heartening to hear that there has been a decision to run 3000 additional mail, express and passenger trains in the next four-five years to tackle the huge problem of wait-listed passengers who cannot undertake their journeys. Obviously, it is expected that the expansion would be in the routes where there is lot of congestion, mainly in the metros of Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore, Kolkata, Hyderabad and various tourist centres. Currently, around 500 crore passenger trips are undertaken annually and this is likely to touch 1000 crore in the next five years.   

The second major development follows from the first, i.e. to increase the number of trains, there are plans to augment track capacity. In fact, recently Prime Minister Modi flagged off 6 Vande Bharat Express trains and 2 Amrit Bharat trains. The railways proposed a Rs 4.2 lakh crore mega plan for multi-tracking of seven high density corridors – Delhi-Howrah, Mumbai-Howrah, Delhi-Mumbai, Delhi-Guwahati, Delhi-Chennai, Howrah-Chennai and Mumbai-Chennai – for introduction of faster passenger trains and quicker movement of freight. This is, necessary as the speed of trains is quite slow compared to global standards and very slow compared to the Western nations.  

The Railways Ministry from 2024-25 to 2033-34, plans to lay third and fourth line on different stretches of these corridors according to the traffic demand. The plan also includes construction of flyovers and underpasses, among plans to introduce more modern trains like Vande Bharat with sleeper facilities that have a maximum design speed of 220 kmph. In all 233 projects have been identified that need to be undertaken on these corridors, which have breached the saturation point and 200 such works will be completed in the first phase—in next three years. 

Union Railway Minister, Ashwini Vaishnaw, outlined the transformative impact of seven multi-tracking projects valued at Rs 32,500 crore, which received Cabinet approval. These would propel the Railways into a new era of efficiency and capacity expansion, with combined length expected to add 2,339 km to the existing rail network. 

The envisioned outcomes are not limited to mere expansion but extend to relieving congestion and enhancing operational efficiency, across 35 districts, spanning States of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Odisha, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal. Apart from the infrastructure enhancements, these projects are anticipated to augment freight capacity significantly, accommodating approximately 200 million tonnes of additional freight traffic annually. 

Though in tune with the National Rail Plan (NRP) for India, 2030, overall capacities are being augmented, both in passenger and freight traffic, there is need to think about affordability of all sections of the population. Indian railways has a huge network but the average speed is one of the slowest in the world. The need for faster trains can’t be doubted but fare structure must be such that it’s affordable, at least to the middle-income sections. The fare of Vande Bharat trains is higher than those of the Shatabdi and the dynamic fare system makes it still higher. 

Under the Rajdhani pricing system, the base fare jumps by 10% for every 10% seats booked, with a ceiling of 50% hike above the base fare. Unless the dynamic fare structure is changed, travel by faster train will remain high and beyond the capacity of a large section of people.  Thus, in planning more mail and express trains, there should be faster trains like Amrit Bharat Express trains that are affordable to the lower income sections and EWS facilitating their travel to their native villages. 

It can be admitted that a major milestone in the journey of the railways is the development of automatic electronic block signalling systems at railway stations. The automatic signalling system has been installed in 530 kms during 2022-23, as compared to 218 kms during 2021-22, registering an increase of over 143 per cent. This takes a lot of care in increasing line capacity and safety measures on tracks. 

The government in the past few years also focussed on doubling of tracks with the purpose to reduce or minimise train traffic. In budget 2023-24, Indian railways has allotted Rs 30,749 crore just for doubling of railway tracks. This has not only improved operational efficiency but also allowed for smooth movement of trains.  

In building the much-needed infrastructure, huge financial requirements are necessary for which resource generation needs to be found. In this regard, upgradation of stations and giving space to the private sector has been a major initiative. With over 400 redeveloped railway stations, these spaces are now mostly congestion-free with non-conflicting entry and exit points. As per figures available, Andhra Pradesh has 72 stations for transformation, Bihar 86 and Gujarat 87 railway stations for upgradation among other states. Another source of generating revenue is upgrading the retiring rooms, with deluxe facilities, and increasing their number so that both people on official work as also tourists can use these. 

Though there could be a rise in passenger and freight fares, which have already happened, there is a need to look into amenities, which are much below standards. The unclean toilets of mail/express trains, specially in the sleeper coaches, not to speak of the unreserved ones, has to be improved with proper maintenance to ensure adequate supply of water during the full course of the journey. 

A more disturbing development is the occurrence of frequent accidents, which even after a lot of progress in automatic signalling has not been curbed. Special efforts need to be given in ensuring that accidents do not happen, and the unmanned tracks cannot be allowed to continue. 

Finally, modernisation and expansion of railways in the country is imperative and has the potential to boost up economic growth and bring about social integration. The priority given to railways has been a right decision of the ruling dispensation and it is expected that the network, performance, speed, passenger facilities and safety measures would be taken care of in the coming years.  ---INFA 

                   (Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

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